anticlimacus wrote:I think, Eran, you underestimate the extent to which others understand what you have said. You don't prefer being called an "anarcho-capitalist" because you think a voluntary society could go either way. You do, in fact, believe that free markets and property relations are moral, more efficient, and over all better and in that sense advocate for it, but if people chose a different way, so long as it is accomplished through voluntary organization, you would not be opposed to it on moral grounds. Because you would have no problem with worker syndicates and the like developing, you wonder why others would have a problem with private property--if people freely choose it, then how can we morally be against it?
Thank you. This is a very fair and accurate description of my view on the issues covered.
This is where we come to a key difference, and the issue is not just semantics, as you have assumed.
I don't think for a moment that our differences are "just" (or even mainly) semantic. However, this particular branch in the conversation seemed to focus on semantic issues.
We point to the history of anarchism and how "libertarian" has traditionally been understood precisely because you, and others, seem aghast as to how on earth a real libertarian could be against private property. This points to the fact that leftists do not think private property to be nearly as moral (or efficient) as you assume it to be. As has been discussed by anarchists for centuries, both the institution of private property and the state are systems of domination that have been fundamentally intertwined. Moreover, private property depends on institutions of domination and control, such as the modern state, so it is--and has been--naturally rejected by anarchists.
Words change their meaning over time. The most obvious example is "liberal" which used to refer, broadly, to what in today's US is called "moderate libertarian", but has since come to refer to moderate socialists (or interventionists).
The word "libertarian" may have referred to other things in the past, but in today's society, and for most of the audience for which I write, it tends to suggest belief in the validity of private property.
I can accept that "libertarian" may be modified to indicate otherwise, as in "libertarian socialist" just as the normally-anti-private-property "anarchist" label can be modified using "anarcho-capitalist" and the like.
This latter point is where, most recently, Red Barn and Ambroise have questioned either your understanding of libertarianism or your motive for defining it. How, when libertarians have for centuries understood the institution of private property to be a system of power and domination and thus antithetical to an anarchist society, can you now find it to be, not only moral, but an essential option for anarchism? Something odd has happened here in how the term "libertarian" has come to be understood, and it is important to analyze that transformation. That's not just an issue of semantics, but social transformations in media and propoganda.
The answer is very simple. To quote
Wikipedia, on the etymology of Libertarianism wrote:In the United States, where the meaning of liberalism has parted significantly from classical liberalism, classical liberalism has largely been renamed libertarianism and is associated with "economically conservative" and "socially liberal" political views (going by the common meanings of "conservative" and "liberal" in the United States), along with a foreign policy of non-interventionism.
I was using the current, American conventional meaning of "libertarian", the one, I believe, most readers of these forums understand the word to mean.
I will gladly relinquish the term "libertarian" to the left, if I could reclaim "liberal" for the right...
Denying the premise that the institution of private property is an essential part of the problem really puts you in a different camp, and we can mince words about how you don't demand capitalist relations, etc. But it doesn't change the fact that you find them to be irrelevant to the problem. In fact, quite the opposite you find capitalist relations to be optimal, both on moral and economic grounds!
Economic, not moral. On moral grounds, I am, as you correctly noted, agnostic. On economic grounds, I expect capitalist system to be more efficient.
As a final note, you may still object that it is all just a semantic issue. But to this I ask, what do we end up debating in the end? The definition of a term? Not really. We end up debating your belief in private property--and conversely our rejection of it--precisely because that is the real sticking point.
I agree. I am happy to move forward. I am satisfied that you understand my view tolerably well. With that in mind, how would
you prefer to label it?
And as you must have noted, I have never shied away from defending my belief in both the legitimacy and the economic efficiency of private property. I am not, and have never obfuscated that point. Therefore, I don't agree that the scepticism over my preference not to use "ancap" is honest and valid.
I suspect, rather, that it has more to do with the six points above. Since "capitalism" has acquired a negative connotation (imo, through its association with government intervention), critics on the left insist on tarring people with my view by the label, followed by an insistence on associating my views with the policies and outcomes of the crony-capitalism of the past.
You simply want to deconstruct the state and leave private property relations alone. As we have debated many times, this seems like a horrendous option. Instead, speaking for myself, I would rather actively seek to overcome both the state and the institution of private property. By succeeding in doing this we, at the same time, create an anarchist society by making both the state and capitalism superfluous. We don't just have a blank slate. We actually have a working system in place, ready to replace the current system of power as a free society.
Almost. I believe that state intervention has completely distorted the nature of private property relations. Without the state we would, hopefully, still have private property, but deducing its character by observing its nature under government intervention is no different from deducing the operations of a left-anarchist society by observing Soviet Gulags.
I am willing to allow left-anarchists to distance themselves from the crimes of states which cloaked themselves with the label of "socialism". In return, I expect left-anarchists to similarly allow me to distance myself from the crimes (much more minor in comparison) of states which cloaked themselves with the label of "capitalist".
Free men are not equal and equal men are not free.
Government is not the solution. Government is the problem.