A Question for Fascists - Politics Forum.org | PoFo

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The non-democratic state: Platonism, Fascism, Theocracy, Monarchy etc.
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User avatar
By Red_Bull
#14128548
Would it be correct to say that fascists don't concern themselves with the class system and envision a society where all classes work towards the "greater good" or the nation state? If so, how can a fascist society work collectively if you have one group of society systematically exploiting another group of society? How does a fascist nation reconcile these contradictions within it?
User avatar
By Fasces
#14128572
The short answer is that one class would not exploit the other, due to the organizational model of a fascist society, known as corporatism.

The charter of Fiume, which provides a model for a corporatist society. Relevant aspects are bold.
Spoiler: show
NEW CONSTITUTION OF THE FREE STATE OF FIUME

Fiume, for centuries a free Commune of ancient Italy, declared her full and complete surrender to the mother-country on October I0, 1918.
Her claim is threefold, like the impenetrable armour of Roman legend.

Fiume is warden of the Italian marches., the furthest stronghold of Italian culture, the most distant land that bears the imprint of Dante. From century to century through all vicissitudes, through strife and anguish, Dante’s Carnaro has done faithful service to Italy. From her as from a centre the spiritual life of Italy has shone forth and still shines forth over shores and islands, from Volosca to Laurana, from Moschiena to Albona, from Veglio to Lussino, from Cherso to Arbe.
This is her claim from history.

Fiume, as of old Tarsatica, placed at the southern end of the Liburnian rampart stretches thence along the Julian Alps and is contained entirely within that boundary which science, tradition and history alike confirm as the sacred confines of Italy.
This is her claim from position.

Fiume, with will unwavering and heroic courage, overcoming every attack whether of force or fraud, vindicated her right, two years ago, to choose her own destiny, her own allegiance on the strength of that just principle declared to the world by some of her unjust adversaries themselves.
This is her claim founded on Roman right.

In contrast to this threefold claim stands the threefold wrong, iniquity, cupidity, and force to which Italy submits in sorrow, leaving unrecognized and unclaimed the victory that she, herself, has won.
Thus it comes to pass that the inhabitants of the free city of Fiume, faithful to their Latin origin and determined to carry out their lawful decision are framing a new model for their constitution to suit the spirit of their new life not intending to limit that constitution to the territory which, under the title ‘corpus separatum’ —was assigned to the crown of Hungary, but offering it as a free alternative to any of those communities of the Adriatic which desire to break through all hindrances and rise to freedom in the name of a new Italy.
Thus, in the name of a new Italy, the people of Fiume, taking their stand on justice and on Iiberty, swear that they will fight to the utmost with their whole strength against any attempt to separate their land from the mother-country and that they will defend for ever the mountain boundary of their country assigned to it by God and by Rome.

The Basis
1. The sovereign people of Fiume, in the strength of their unassailable sovereignty, take as the centre of their free State the “corpus separatum”, with all its railways and its harbour.
But, as on the west they are determined to maintain contact with the mother-country, so, on the east, they are not prepared to renounce their claim to a frontier more just and more secure than might be assigned to them by the next happening in the give-and-take of politics or by any future treaties which they might be able to conclude with the rural and maritime communes after the proclamation of an open port and of generous statutes.

2. The Italian province of Carnaro is made up of the district of Fiume, of the islands, traditionally Venetian, which have declared by vote that they will share her fortunes; and of any neighbouring communities, which, after making a genuine application for admission, have becn welcomed fraternally and in due legal form.

3, The Italian province of Carnaro is a State chosen by the people which has for basis the power of productive labour and for constitution the widest and most varied forms of autonomy such as were in use during the four centuries of our glorious communal period.

4. The province recognizes and confirms the sovereignty of all citizens without distinction of sex, race, language, class, or religion.
But above and beyond every other right she maintains the right of the producer; abolishes or reduces excessive centralization and coinstitutional powers, and subdivides offices and powers: so that by their harmonic, interplay communal life may grow more vigorous and abundant.

5. The province protects, defends, preserves, all popular rights and liberties; insuring international order by justice and discipline, seeks to bring back a time of well—ordered happiness which should bring new life to a people delivered at last from Government of lies and oppression; her constant aim is to raise the status of her citizens and to increase their prosperity; so that the citizenship shall be recognized by foreigners as a title of high honour as as it was in former days under the law of Rome.

6. All citizens of the State, of both sexes are equal, and feel themselves equal in the eve of the law.
The exercise of their constitutional rights can be neither diminished nor suppressed except by public trial and solemn condemnation.

7. Fundamental liberties, freedom of thought and of the Press, the right to hold meetings and to form associations are guaranteed to all citizens by the Constitution.
Every form of religion is permitted and respected, and allowed to erect its own places of worship; but no citizen may allege his creed or the rites of his religion as a reason for withdrawing from the fulfilment of duties prescribed by the law.
Misuse of statutory liberty, when its purpose is illegal and when it disturbs the public peace may be punished, as provided by the law; but the law must in no way transgress the principle of liberty.

8. The Constitution guarantees to all citizens of both sexes: primary instruction in well-lighted and healthy schools; physical training in open-air gymnasiums, well-equipped; paid work with a fair minimum living wage; assistance in sickness, infirmity, and involuntary unemployment; old age pensions; the enjoyment of property legitimately obtained; inviolability of the home; ‘habeas corpus’; compensation for injuries in case of judicial errors or abuse of power.

9. The State does not recognize the ownership of property as an absolute and personal right, but regards it as one of the most useful and responsible of social functions.
No property can be reserved to anyone in unrestricted ownership; nor can it be permitted that an indolent owner should leave his property unused or should dispose of it badly, to the exclusion of anyone else.
The only legitimate title to the possession of the means of production and exchange is labour. Labour alone is the custodian of that which is by far the most fruitful and profitable to the general well-being.

10. The harbour, station, railway lines comprised in the territory of Fiume are the inalienable and incontestable property of the State in perpetuity.
By a statute of the Free Port, the full and free use of the harbour for commerce, industry, and navigation is guaranteed to foreigners as to natives, in perfect equality of good treatment and immunity from exorbitant harbour dues and from any injury to person or goods.

11. A National Bank of Carnaro under State supervision, is entrusted with the issue of paper money and with all operations concerning credit.
A law for this purpose will decide methods and regulations to be followed and will point out the rights, functions, and responsibilities of the banks already in operation in the territory and of those that may be hereafter founded there.

12. All the citizens of both sexes have the full right to choose and carry on any industry, profession, art, or craft.
Industries started or supported by foreign capital and all concessions to foreigners will be regulated by liberal legislation.


13. Three elements unite to inspire and control the regulation, progress, and growth of the Community: the Citizens; the Corporations; the Communes.

14. There are three articles of belief which take precedence of all others in the Province and the federated communes:
Life is a good thing, it is fit and right that man, reborn to freedom, should lead a life that is noble and serious; a true man is he who, day by day, renews the dedication of his manhood to his fellowmen; labour, however humble and obscure, if well done adds to the beauty of the world.

The Citizens
15. The following persons have the rank of citizens of Carnaro: all citizens now on the register of the free city of Fiume; all citizens of the federated communes; all persons who have made application for citizenship and who have obtained it by legal decree.

16. Citizens are invested with all civil and political rights as soon as they reach the age of twenty.
Without distinction of sex they become electors and eligible for all careers.

17. Those citizens shall he deprived of political rights by formal sentence, who are: condemned by the law; defaulters with regard to military service for the defence of the territory; defaulters in the payment of taxes; incorrigible parasites on the community if they are not incapacitated from labour by age or sickness.

The Corporations
18. The State represents the aspiration and effort of the people, as a community, towards material and spiritual advancement.
Those only are full citizens who give their best endeavour to add to the wealth and strength of the State; these truly are one with her in her growth and development.
Whatever be the kind of work a man does, whether of hand or brain, art or industry, design or execution, he must he a member of one of the ten Corporations who receive from the commune a general direction as to the scope of their activities, hut are free to develop them in their own way and to decide among themselves as to their mutual duties and responsibilities.

9. The first Corporation comprises the wage-earners of industry, agriculture and commerce, small artisans, and small landholders who work their own farms, employing little other labour and that only occasionally.
The second Corporation includes all members of the technical or managerial staff in any private business, industrial or rural, with the exception of the proprietors or partners in the business.
In the third, are united all persons employed in commercial undertakings who are not actually operatives. Here again proprietors are excluded.
In the fourth, are associated together all employers engaged in industrial, agricultural, or commercial undertakings, so long as they are not merely owners of the business but — according to the spirit of the new constitution —prudent and sagacious masters of industry.
The fifth comprises all public servants, State and Communal employees of every rank. In the sixth are to be found the intellectual section of the people; studious youth and its leaders; teachers in the public schools and students in colleges and polytechnics; sculptors, painters, decorators, architects, musicians, all those who practise the Arts, scenic or ornamental.
The seventh includes all persons belonging to the liberal professions who are not included in the former categories.
The eighth is made up of the Co-operative Societies of production and consumption, industrial and agricultural, and can only he represented by the self-chosen administrators of the Societies.
The ninth comprises all workers on the sea.
The tenth has no special trade or register or title. It is reserved for the mysterious forces of progress and adventure. It is a sort of votive offering to the genius of the unknown, to the man of the future, to the hoped-for idealization of daily work, to the liberation of the spirit of man beyond the panting effort and bloody sweat of to-day.
It is represented in the civic sanctuary by a kindled lamp bearing an ancient Tuscan inscription of the epoch of the communes, that calls up an ideal vision of human labour:
‘Fatica senza fatica.’

20. Each Corporation is a legal entity and is so recognized by the State.
Chooses its own consuls; makes known its decisions in an assembly of its own; dictates its own terms, its own decrees and rules; exercises autonomy under the guidance of its own wisdom and experience; provides for its own needs and for the management of its own funds, collecting from its members a contribution in proportion o their wages, salary business profits, or professional income; defends in every way its own special interest and strives to improve its status; aims at bringing to perfection the technique of its own art or calling; seeks to improve the quality of the work carried out and to raise the standard of excellence and beauty; enrols the humblest workers, endeavoring to encourage them to do the best work; recognizes the duty of mutual help; decides as to pensions for sick and infirm members; chooses for itself symbols, emblems music, songs, and prayers; founds its own rules and ceremonies; assists, as handsomely as it can, in providing enjoyment for the commune for us anniversary fetes, and sports by land and sea; venerates its dead, honours its elders, and celebrates its heroes.

21. The relations between the Government of the province and the corporations and between the different Corporations are regulated by the methods defined in the statutes which regulate the relations between the central province and the affiliated communes and between the several communes.
The members of each Corporation form a free electoral body for choosing representatives on the Council of Governors (Provvisori).
The first place in public ceremonies is assigned to the consuls of the Corporations and their banners.



The Communes
22. The ancient ‘potere normativo’ will be re-established for all communes —the right of making laws subject to the Common Law.
They exercise all powers not specially assigned by the Constitution to the judicial, legislative and executive departments of the province.

23. Each commune has full sanction to draw up its own code of municipal laws, derived from its own special customs, character, and inherited energy and from its new national life.
But each commune must apply to the province for ratification of its statutes which the commune will give.
When these statutes have been approved, accepted, and voted on by the people they can be amended only by the will of a real majority of the citizens.

24. The communes have the acknowledged right to make settlements, agreements, and treaties between themselves, administrative and legislative.
But they are required to submit them to be examined by the Central Executive Power.
If the Central Power considers that such settlements, agreements, or treaties controvert the spirit of the Constitution, it sends them up for final decision to the Court of Administration.
If the Court declares them to be illegal and invalid, the Central Executive of the province makes provision for their cancellation.

25. If order, within a commune, should be disturbed by faction, rebellion, or plot, or by any other form of craft or violence, if the dignity or integrity of a commune should be injured or menaced by the transgression of another, the Executive of the province would intervene as mediator or peace maker, if the communal authorities agreed in requesting it to do so, if a third of the citizens exercising political rights in the commune itself should make the request.

26. The following functions belong especially to the communes: to provide for primary instruction, according to the regulations laid down by the Central Education Authority; to nominate the communal judges; to appoint and maintain the communal police; to levy taxes; to contract loans within the territory of the province, or even outside it, provided that the sanction of the Central Government shall have been obtained, but this will not be granted except in case of absolute necessity.


Legislation
27. Two elected bodies will exercise legislative power: the Council of Senators; the Council of ‘Provvisori’.

28. The Senate is elected by means of direct and secret universal suffrage, by all citizens throughout the province, who have attained the age of twenty-one years and have been invested with political rights.
Any citizen who has a vote is eligible as a member of the Senate.

29. Senators remain in office ten years.
They are elected in the proportion of one to every thousand electors, but in no case can their number be under thirty.
All electors form a single constituency.
The election is to be by universal suffrage and proportional representation,

30. The Senate has authority to make ordinances and laws with reference to the penal and civil code the police, national defence, public secondary instruction, art, relations between the communes and the State.
The Senate meets, as a rule, only once a year, in the month of October, for a short definite sitting.

31 The Council of the Provvisori is composed of sixty delegates, elected by universal secret suffrage and proportional representation. Ten provvisori are elected by industrial
workers and agricultural labourers; ten by seamen of all kinds; ten by employers; five by rural and industrial technicians; five by the managerial staffs in private firms; five by the teachers in the public schools, by the students in the higher schools, and by other members of the sixth Corporation; five by the liberal professions; five by public servants; five by Co-operative Societies of production, of labor and of consumption.

32. The provvisori remain in office two years.
They are not eligible unless they belong to the Corporation represented.

33. The Council of the Provvisori meets usually twice in the year, in the months of May and November, and uses the laconic method of debate.
It has authority to make ordinances and laws with reference to the commercial and Maritime code; to the control of labour; to transport; to public works; to treaties of commerce, customs, tariffs, and similar matters; to technical and professional instruction; to industry and banking; to arts and crafts.

34. The Senate and the Council of Provvisori unite together once a year as a single body on the first of December, as a Grand National Council under the title of Arengo del Carnaro.
The Arengo discusses and deliberates on relations with other States; on finance and the Treasury; on the higher studies; on reforms of the constitution; on extensions of liberty.

The Executive
35, Executive power in the province is exercised by seven ministers elected jointly by the National Assembly, the Senate, and the Council of Provvisori, The Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Minister for Finance and the Treasury, and the Minister of Public Instruction are elected by the National Assembly.
The Minister of the Interior and of Justice, the Minister of National Defence are elected by the Senate. The Council of Provvisori elects the Minister of Public Economy and the Minister of Labour.
The Minister for Foreign Affairs takes the title Prime Minister and represents the Province in intercourse with other States ‘primus inter pares’.

36. The seven ministers, once elected, remain in office for their allotted time.
They decide everything that does not interfere with current administration.
The Prime Minister presides over the discussions and has the deciding vote when the votes are equally balanced.
The ministers are elected for a year, and are not re-eligible except once.
But, after the interval of one year, they may be nominated again.


Judiciary Power
The Judiciary Power will be held by magistrates. Labour judges, judges of the High Court, judges of the Criminal Court, the Court of Administration.

38. The magistrates, elected to inspire public confidence, by all the electors of the various communes in proportion to their number, decide all civil and commercial casts under the value of five thousand lire and questions of crime where the penalty of imprisonment does not last more than one year.

39. The Labour judges decide eases of controversy between employers and workers, whether wage-earners or salaried staff.
The Labour judges are grouped in ‘colleges’, the members of each ‘college’ being nominated by one of those Corporations’ which elect the Council of the Provvisori.
According to the following scale: two by industrial workers and agricultural labourers; two by all workers connected with the sea; two by employers; one by technical workers, industrial or agricultural; one by the liberal professions; one by members of the administrative staff in private firms; one by public employees; one by teachers, by students of the higher institutes, and by other members of the sixth Corporation; one by the Co-operative Societies of production, of labour and of consumption.
The Labour judges have power to divide their colleges into branches in order to render their proceedings more rapid, they are to dispense justice with promptitude, clearness, and expedition.
A joint assembly of the branches constitutes a Court of Appeal.

40. The judges of the High Court adjudicate on all questions civil, commercial, and penal which are not dealt with by the magistrates and the Labour judges except those which are dealt with by the judges of the Criminal Court.
The judges of the High Court constitute the Court of Appeal for sentences of magistrates.
The judges of the High Court are chosen by the Court of Administration from citizens holding the title of Doctor of Law (LL. D.).

41. Seven sworn citizens, assisted by two deputies and presided over by a judge of the High Court compose the Criminal Court which tries all crimes of a political nature and all those misdemeanours which would he punished by imprisonment for more than three years.

42. Elected by the National Council, the Court of Administration is composed of five acting members and two supplementary.
Of the acting members, at least three, and of the supplementary members, at least one shall be chosen from Doctors of Law.
The Court of Administration deals with: acts and decrees issued by the legislative and executive authorities to ascertain that they are in conformity with the Constitution; any statutory conflict between the legislative and executive authorities, between the province and the communes, between one commune and another, between the province and the Corporations, between the province and private persons, between the communes and the Corporations, between the communes and private individuals; cases of high treason against the province on the part of citizens who hold legislative or executive power; attacks on the rights of the people; civil contests between the province and the communes or between commune and commune; questions regarding the rights of citizenship and naturalization; questions referring to the competence (function) of the various magistrates and judges.
The Court of Administration has the ultimate revision of sentences and nominates by vote the judges of the High Court.
Citizens who are members of the Court of Administration are forbidden to hold any other office either in that commune or any other.
Nor may they carry on any trade or profession during the whole period that they are in office.

The Commandant
43. When the province is in extreme peril and sees that her safety depends on the will and devotion of one man who is capable of rousing and of leading all the forces of the people in a united and victorious effort, the National Council in solemn conclave in the Arengo may, voting by word of mouth, nominate a Commandant and transmit to him supreme authority without appeal.
The Council decides the period, long or short, during which he is to rule not forgetting that in the Roman Republic the dictatorship lasted six months.

44, During the period of his rule, the Commandant holds all powers —political and military, legislative and executive.
The holders of executive power assume the office of commissaries and secretaries under him.

45. On the expiration of the period of rule, the National Council again assembles and decides: to confirm the Commandant in his office, or else to substitute another citizen in his place, or else to depose him, or even to banish him.

46. Any citizen holding political rights, whether he have any office in the province or not, may be elected to the supreme office.

National Defence
47. In the province of Carnaro, all the citizens of both sexes, from seventeen to fifty-five years of age, are liable for military service for the defence of the country.
After selection has been made, men in sound health will serve in the forces of land and sea, men who are not so strong and women will serve in ambulances, hospitals, in administration, in ammunition factories, and in any other auxiliary work according to the capacity and skill of each.

48. State assistance on an ample scale is granted to all citizens who, during military service, have contracted any incurable infirmity, and to their families, if in need.
The State adopts the children of all citizens who are killed in defence of their country, assists their families in distress, and commends to the memory of future generations the names of the fallen.

49. In time of peace and security, the State will not maintain a standing army; but all the nation will remain armed, as prescribed by law, and its forces by land and sea well and duly trained.
Strict military service is confined to the period of instruction or to periods when war is either actually being waged or when there is immediate danger of war.
During periods of instruction or of war, the citizen will lose none of his civil and political rights; and will be able to exercise them whenever the necessities of active service permit.

Public Instruction
50. For any race of noble origin, culture is the best of all weapons.
For the Adriatic race, harassed for centuries by a ceaseless struggle with an unlettered usurper, culture is more than a weapon; like faith and justice, it is an unconquerable force.
For the people of Fiume at the moment of her rebirth to liberty, it becomes the instrument more helpful than any other against the insidious plots that have encircled her for centuries.
Culture is the preservative against corruption; the buttress against ruin.
In Dante’s Carnaro the culture of the language of Dante is the custodian of that which has ever been reckoned as the most precious treasure of the people, the highest testimony to the nobility of their origin, the chief sign of their moral right of rule.
That moral right is what the new State must fight for. On its will to victory is founded the exaltation of the human ideal.
The new State, with unity completed, liberty achieved, justice enthroned, must make it her first duty to defend, preserve, and fight for unity, liberty, justice in the spirit of man.
The culture of Rome must be here in our midst and the culture of Italy.
For this cause the Italian province of Carnaro makes education — the culture of her people — the crown and summit of her Constitution, esteems the treasure of Latin culture as the foundation of her welfare.

51. The city of Fiume will have a free University, housed in a spacious building, capable of accommodating a great number of students and ruled by its own special ordinances.
There will be in the city of Fiume, a School of Painting, a School of Decorative Art, a School of Music free from any legal interference, conducted in a candid and open spirit under the guidance of a judgment acute enough to get rid of the incumbrance of the inefficient, to choose the best students from among the good and to assist the best in the discovery of new possibilities in the rendering of human sentiment.

52. The secondary schools will be under the supervision of the Senate; the technical and professional schools under that of the Council of the Provvisori; higher education, under that of the National Council.
In every school and in every commune the Italian language will have the first place.
In secondary schools the teaching of the various dialects spoken in the Italian province of Carnaro will be obligatory.
Primary instruction will be given in the language spoken by the majority of the inhabitants of each commune and also in parallel classes in that spoken by the minority.
If any commune tries to evade the obligation of providing those double courses of instruction the Central Government of the province reserves its right to provide them at the cost of the commune.

53. An Educational Council decides upon the nature and method of primary instruction which is compulsory in the schools of all communes.
The teaching of choral singing based on the genuine poetry of the people (folk songs) and the teaching of decorative art based on examples of indigenous popular art will hold a first place.
The Council will consist of: a representative of each commune two representatives of secondary schools; two, of technical and professional schools; two, of institutions of higher education (to he elected by professors and students); two, by the Schools of Music two, by the School of Decorative Art.

54. Schools, well lighted and ventilated, must not have on their walls any emblems of religion or of political parties.
The public schools welcome the followers of every religious profession, the believers in every creed and those, too, who are able to live without an altar and without a God.
Liberty of conscience receives entire respect. Each one may offer up his silent prayers.
But there will be inscribed on the walls inspiring words that, like an heroic symphony, will never lose their power to raise and animate the soul.
And there will be representations of those masterpieces of the painter’s art which interpret most nobly the endless longings and aspirations of mankind.

Reforms of the Constitutions
55. Every seven years the Great National Council will meet in a special conference to consider constitutional reforms.
But the Constitution can be altered at anytime, when a third of the citizens electors make a request for the alteration.
The following bodies have the right to propose amendments of the Constitution: the members of the National Council; the representatives of the communes; the Court of Administration; the Corporations.

The Right of Initiative
56. All citizens belonging to electoral bodies have the right of initiating legislative proposals with regard to questions which fall within the sphere of action of one or other Council; but the initiative will not take effect unless at least one-fourth of the electors of the Council in question are unanimous moving and supporting it.

'The Power of Appeal
57. All laws that have received the sanction of the two legislative bodies may be subjected to public reconsideration with the possibility of repeal provided that such reconsideration be asked for by a number of electors equal to at least a fourth of the enfranchised citizens,

The Right of Petition
58. All citizens have the right of petition towards those bodies which they have helped to elect.

Reduplication of Offices
59. No citizen may fill more than one official post nor take part in two legislative bodies at the same time.

Recall
60. Any official appointment may be revoked: when the official in question loses his political rights through a sentence confirmed by the Court of Law; when the decree of revocation is voted for by more than half of the members of the electoral body.

Responsibility
61. All holders of power and all public officials of the province are legally responsible for any injury caused to State, commune, Corporation, or single citizen by any transgression of theirs, whether through misdoing, carelessness, cowardice, or inaccuracy.

Remuneration
62. All public officials, enumerated in the Statutes and appointed in the new Constitution, will receive suitable remuneration, in accordance with the decision of the National Council annually revised.

The Aediles
63. There will be in the province a College of Aediles, wisely selected from men of taste, skill, and a liberal education.
This ‘College’ will be a revival not so much of the Roman Aediles, as of the Office for the adornment of the City’ which, in our fourteenth century, arranged a new road or a new piazza with the same sense of rhythm and proportion which guided them in the conduct of a Republican triumph or a carnival display.
It will provide for the decorum of life; secure the safety, decency, sanitation of public edifices, and private dwellings; prevent the disfigurement of roads by awkward or ill-placed buildings; enliven civic festivals by sea and land with graceful ornament, recalling our forefathers for whom the glory of the sunshine and a few fair garlands of flowers with human beauty of pageant and motion sufficed to frame a miracle of joy; convince the workers that to add beauty, some sign of joy in the building, to the humblest habitation is an act of piety, that a sense of religion, of human mystery, of the profundity of Nature may be passed on from generation to generation in the simplest symbol carved or painted on the kneading trough or the cradle, on the loom or the distaff, on the linen chest or the cottage beam; it will try to reawaken in our people the love of beautiful line and colour in the things that are used in their daily life, showing them how much, in the old days, could be achieved be achieved by a slight geometrical design, by a star, a flower, a heart, a serpent or a dove on a pitcher or oil jar or jug, on a bench or chest or platter; it will serve to show our people how the ancient spirit of communal liberty manifested itself even in the utensils that received the imprint of man’s life; finally, convinced that a people cannot attain to strength and nobility without noble architecture it will endeavour to make modern architects realize that the new materials — iron and glass and concrete — must be raised to the level of harmonious life by the invention of a new architecture.

Music
64. In the Italian province of Carnaro, music is a social and religious institution. Once in a thousand or two thousand years music springs from the soul of a people and flows on for ever.
A noble race is not one that creates a God in its own image but one that creates also the song wherewith to do Him homage.
Every rebirth of a noble race is a lyric force, every sentiment that is common to the whole race, a potential lyric; music, the language of ritual, has power, above all else, to exalt the achievement and the life of man.
Does it not seem that great music has power to bring spiritual peace to the strained and anxious multitude?
The reign of the human spirit is not yet.
‘When matter acting on matter shall be able to replace man’s physical strength, then will the spirit of man begin to see the dawn of libertv’: so said a man of Dalmatia of our own Adriatic, the blind seer of Sebenico.
As cock-crow heralds the dawn, so music is the herald of the soul’s awakening.
Meanwhile, in the instruments of labour, of profit, and of sport, in the noisy machines which, even they, fall into a poetical rhythm, music can find her motives and her harmonies.
In the pauses of music is heard the silence of the tenth corporation.

65. In every commune of the province there will be a choral society and an orchestra subsidized by the State.
In the city of Fiume, the College of Aediles will be commissioned to erect a great concert hall, accommodating an audience of at least ten thousand with tiers of seats and ample space for choir and orchestra.
The great orchestral and choral~ celebrations will be entirely free — in the language of the Church — a gift of God.

SATUTUM ET ORDINATUM EST.
JURO EGO.


On why we promote corporatism (Rei Murasame, soucre: viewtopic.php?p=13651168#p13651168)

Spoiler: show
On the issue of economics, the reason that the State needs to be strong is because it has to have the ability to fund and support itself (feel free to ask me how a State can do that if you are unsure) so that it can act as a mediator between employers groups and trades unions without leaning too hard in one direction or the other. It needs to also be able to penetrate society and establish social institutions and foster dependencies so that it can give meaning and direction to the actions that we take (methodological motivationalism?).

Why do we propose [neo]corporatism?

  • 1. A mature labour movement coupled with transparent and rational management mediated by an ascendant State can cooperate for:
    • quality improvement and
    • raising productivity in an industrial economy.

  • 2. Full employment policies create:
    • employment opportunities and
    • foster social integration.

  • 3. Welfare of the employees is promoted, which:
    • protects their health and safety and
    • enhances national competitiveness.

All this should lead to a balanced development of the national community, and enable the defence of your culture and way of life, whatever the way of your people happens to be.


On the national-labor process (Rei Murasame, source: viewtopic.php?p=14118233#p14118233)

Spoiler: show
Basically getting things done is a process, and the process requires that certain social conditions be met. No one is ever just handed the sceptre of power and asked to just implement a blueprint.

There had to be a methodology or social action programme for actually creating a situation where people will be inclined to do what we want them to do.

We often hear people of all stripes saying things like, "Oh I support the death penalty", "I oppose the death penalty", "I support licorice allsorts being handed out for free to kids in preschool", "I oppose the bill called CMD6758", "I support national self-determination", "I support your mother". No, no one can be said to actually support anything if no one can see how anyone plans to get there.

So what I do is start with a very simple list. KISS can be a kiss, but it also means 'keep it simple surely':

  • 1. A clear narrative about the current crisis based on some socio-economic class analysis.

  • 2. Fundamental principles on which actions are based.

  • 3. A path for community organisation which leads to a framework in which a programme may develop to address the contradictions at the root of the crisis.

The three 'answers' to those three 'questions' form the bedrock of anything else I say. So I'll immediately show those.

1. First the summary of the narrative:
    Rei Murasame, Sat 14 Jan 2012, 0433BST wrote:I would say that the upper-middle class has been locketing away an astonishingly high proportion of the growing wealth. They are even now using the liberal-capitalist state which they created, as an implement to further facilitate that.

    The working class have been facing an offensive from the upper-middle class, which has really been intensifying over the last few years. It is an offensive against public services, incomes, living standards and unions in order to short-sightedly boost the returns for multinational companies led by international finance. Not contented with the banks receiving the biggest bailout in the history of capitalism - a bailout that they themselves engineered - international finance apparently wants to continue to make the national community skirt closer to destruction to serve the narrow interests of financial institutions.

    We in the middle-middle class have been asked to co-operate with this disastrous development, but we should not co-operate with it, since it poses an existential threat to the national community. It's about time to seriously get a desire to take our countries back. If the present system is incapable of adequately allocating wealth to fulfil our policy preferences and foster social harmony - and now there is no doubt that it is incapable - then it ought to be sublated or abolished.


2. Then a summary of the principles, the aim being to foster full employment, growth, social inclusion, sustainability, health, and defence of a specific ancestral breeding group and its dominance of a civic space:
    Rei Murasame, Sun 20 Nov 2011, 0745BST wrote:We can seize the chance to build a new social order, in a new historic bloc. We can find meaning and reward in serving some cause higher than ourselves, a glimmering purpose, the warm glow of a thousand points of light, illuminating every child in the nation. Aren't we all gazing up at the same stars, are our feet not planted firmly on the same Land?

    We have to remember what that higher purpose is, the defence and maintenance of our population group. The nation is a project under renovation and construction, it should accept new parts and incorporate them appropriately, nurturing and developing them in accordance with our climate and what the new environment requires, while at the same time also continuing to conserve what has been passed down to us, if it is good, vetted and purified from among our people since the most ancient times.

    We have to act in the interests of those who came before us, those who are presently alive, and those who will come after us. This is so that we can safeguard our existence as a distinct people indefinitely/forever, and along the way possibly discover the Reason/Truth that lies behind our existence and explore the unexplained laws of nature and the special powers latent in humans*.

    * Hey, isn't that the line at the bottom of my signature? That's on purpose!

3. Then thirdly a summary of the path, which is what I want to especially highlight in this post, since the bolded portion here is basically the answer to your question in full context:
    Rei Murasame, Wed 25 Apr 2012, 1007BST (emphasis added) wrote:Primary phenomenon will always take revenge against any attempt to narrowly alter their derivative phenomenon.

    Mass migration is a derivative phenomenon, meaning that the ethnic contradictions are secondary to the primary contradiction which is the contradiction between:

    • The middle class whose interest is to be nationally hegemonic by arranging a unity of purpose between territorially-coincident capital and labour so that it can carry out its social goals,

      VS


    • Finance capital, whose interest is to most rapidly engage in wealth-accumulation and knock down any inconvenient barriers to that accumulation.

    What this means for us is that in order to credibly address any of the social goals, such as halting the mass immigration process, we must criticise liberal-capitalism and highlight the actual centrality of capitalist logic in the re-production of a scenario where this mass immigration (and whatever else we don't like) is occurring. That must happen openly and it must accompany a complete divorce from any centre-right organisations - that line must be drawn firmly in the sand.

    Another pitfall that we must avoid is the misuse of the word 'greed'. Greed is not the problem. It is not greed which perpetuates capitalism, it is capitalism which perpetuates capitalism; it is capitalism which penetrates and shapes society in such a way that the use of capitalist logic becomes the path of least resistance [to surviving] in that society.

    What is needed is for nationalists to kick against that logic and call for an ethnic solidarity in which we become comfortable with co-operating with and working alongside people of differing social statuses in our business-lives, so that capitalism can [be strongly attacked] and the experience of real community would be a practice and not just a word.

    This solidarited 'real community' effect must be actualised through 'the path of national-labour', a struggle in which the middle class would reach out to the working class and establish a rival base of economic power using a labour movement to facilitate the dispersal of economic power into national guilds and co-determinate corporations, and co-operatives. That is the only way to challenge finance. That material condition must be satisfied in order to attain the power to act; that is the only way that a Far Right party would ever be able to reach power while maintaining its integrity.

    And it is only then, that the potential would exist for the state to be actually commandeered by our new political class, a new political class which is interested in social justice and spiritual advancement of the indigenous people of Europe; that commitment being bolstered and encouraged by the aforementioned solid material incentives, in a civil society in which our community-oriented ideology would have already displaced liberalism and would be triumphant and total.

    The desires of our new political class could then be fashioned into a coherent corporatist institutional arrangement which - through consensus-building - would develop those desires into a workable methodology and therefore totalitarian action.

The reason that it has to be done this way is because simply promulgating a blueprint will not actually cause anyone to obey it, nor will it get you into power. So it must be built, that rival base of power must be built.

Now, why corporatism? Well let's take two views:
'National Guilds and the State', S. G. Hobson, 1920 (emphasis added) wrote:[...] economic power precedes and dominates political action [...] It is permanently true in that statesmanship must possess the material means to encompass its ends, precisely as one must have the fare and sustenance before proceeding on a journey. [...] Economic power is not finally found in wealth but in the control of its abundance or scarcity.

If I possessed the control of the water supply, my economic power would be stupendous; but with equal access to water by the whole body of citizens, that economic power is dispersed and the community may erect swimming-baths or fountains or artificial lakes without my permission. Not only so; but the abundance of water, which economically considered is of boundless value, grows less serious as a practical issue the more abundant it becomes.

The dominance of economic power depends, therefore, upon two main considerations artificially, by the private control of wealth; fundamentally, by a natural scarcity.


And:
Ludwig von Mises wrote:There is no doubt that any attempt to realize the corporativist utopia would in a very short time lead to violent conflicts, if the government did not interfere when the vital industries abused their privileged position. What the doctrinaires envisage only as an exceptional measure—the interference of the government—will become the rule. Guild socialism and corporativism will turn into full government control of all production activities. They will develop into that system of Prussian Zwangswirtschaft [compulsory economy - permanent state of exception and other scary things] which they were designed to avoid.

The Hobson quote is what we do and the Mises quote is the criticism of it, the Mises quote to which I respond by saying that it is something that we acknowledge is real, since the power to strangle resources is what gives fascist guilds their power, and is what allows them to take the government away from liberals in the first place. Yes.

But this is a feature, not a flaw, the potential for conflict is part of the balance of powers, so we also are open to the possibility that fascist guilds might need to actually turn and shut down the very same fascist government they helped inaugurate by using that power, and we are also open to the possibility that a fascist government may need to mediate to prevent a breakdown caused by inter-guild squabbling.

So in other words, there is a deliberate kill-switch built into this which can be triggered not by by some wishful thinking or law on a piece of paper, but by actual class motives coupled with a concrete ability to control resources. Guilds are after all comprised of people who have particular interests which are not the same as the state bureaucracy or the employers groups.

At any rate, once you finally have the country, then you can get into what institutional corporatism roughly looks like. I'll borrow (and adjust!) some cute theory from the South Koreans illustrate it, since they have really simplified their explanation of it, to the point where I will not have to bring out a 100 page PDF on labour-industry relations:

    Image


    Super short summary:

    Submission of Agenda
    • All members of committees may propose and submit an agenda.

    Deliberation of Agenda
    • Committees by agenda and industry deliberate agenda.
    • The Standing Committee deliberates and reviews agenda.

    Decision of Agenda
    • The Plenary Committee decides agenda after review and co-ordination of the Standing Committee.
    • The decision shall require consent of two-thirds or more members who are present.
    • The consent has condition that the presence of half or more representatives of labour, management and the government.

    Notification of Discussion Result
    • In the event that the resolution is not possible due to the absence of either all labour or management members, the Plenary Committee can start the deliberation with the attendance of the majority of the registered members and decide to notify the government of the discussion results up to the time, with the approval of the majority of the attending members.

    Okay.

    Why are we doing this? Because:

    • A. A mature guild movement coupled with transparent and rational management mediated by an ascendant State can cooperate for:
      • quality improvement and
      • raising productivity in an industrial economy.

    • B. Full employment policies create:
      • employment opportunities and
      • foster social integration.

    • C. Welfare of the employees is promoted, which:
      • protects their health and safety,
      • addresses the problem of plateauing wages by allowing wage-negotiation and
      • enhances national competitiveness.

    If this sounds like I've just gone and described "the chamber of fasces and corporations" from the fascist theory, it's because it is, of course. But notice that this only comes into existence at the end. Most of the economic structure's ground-work is actually laid during the revolutionary process.

RECAP:

So to recap what I just did, basically I showed how guild socialism is procedural, a path, and not just something to be implemented after we get in. As a path, it means it is something that must be done on the way to power and as a precondition for attaining power.

That's why "the path of national-labour" is distinctly different from something like just "the principles of national-labour".

So what I've done:
  • 1. A clear narrative about the current crisis based on some class analysis. CHECK.

  • 2. Fundamental principles on which actions are based. CHECK.

  • 3. A path which leads to a framework in which a programme may develop (notice that we don't presume to know every detail of what that programme will be in all scenarios!) to address the contradictions at the root of the crisis. CHECK.

Even if people disagree with how I've checked all three of those, at least I have checked them. If you want to find out if a revolutionary group is using joined-up thinking, take their economic programme and subject it to that checklist. If any of those come back as "NOT PRESENT" instead of "CHECK", then you know that their train has either gone off the rails or never been in contact with the rails of material reality.

That's the situation, and so there.
By Decky
#14128579
Yes it is. :up:

The fascists only manage inequality to prevent a socialist revolution from sweeping out the country from under them, just like social democracy. It's better than capitalism but that's not saying much. :lol:

Well in actually fact they are the same thing.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_fascism

Social fascism was a theory supported by the Communist International (Comintern) during the early 1930s, which held that social democracy was a variant of fascism because, in addition to a shared corporatist economic model, it stood in the way of a complete and final transition to communism. At the time, the leaders of the Comintern, such as Joseph Stalin and Rajani Palme Dutt, argued that capitalist society had entered the "Third Period" in which a working class revolution was imminent, but could be prevented by social democrats and other "fascist" forces. The term "social fascist" was used pejoratively to describe social democratic parties, anti-Comintern and progressive socialist parties, and dissenters within Comintern affiliates throughout the interwar period.
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By Fasces
#14128585
Yes, in a Marxist sense. However, the material aspects of exploitation are determined through its practical effects in terms of quality of life, and the exercise of control over the means of production. The corporatist system maintains class equality in these areas through its political institutions, creating social harmony. Since class is a material identity, it is resolved through the resolution of material affects. The interest of the system is promoting the national interest, not the interest of individual classes - be it the bourgeoisie or the proletariat.
#14128596
Fasces wrote:Yes, in a Marxist sense. However, the material aspects of exploitation are determined through its practical effects in terms of quality of life, and the exercise of control over the means of production. The corporatist system maintains class equality in these areas through its political institutions, creating social harmony. Since class is a material identity, it is resolved through the resolution of material affects. The interest of the system is promoting the national interest, not the interest of individual classes - be it the bourgeoisie or the proletariat.


That doesn't take into account the Bourgeoisie possibly occupying the most important positions of the nation state and using them to their advantage. The Bureaucracy class of the Soviet Union comes to mind where party elites lived better then the average worker.
#14128640
Fasces wrote:Yes, every ideology has the potential to become corrupted and turn into a repressive agent. What is your point?


That fascism is even more naive than ideas of socialist utopia in that it believes different classes that have had an antagonistic relationship since the beginning of civilization will put aside their differences for some abstract concept of nationalism.
#14128651
Fasces wrote:And your analysis is completely wrong - as is all Marxist thought. National identity is far stronger than class, especially if a decent GINI coefficient is maintained.


I completely disagree. A materialist interpretation of history is the only rational one. Human beings evaluate their life based on their physical reality, not some abstract notion of identity or allegiance. You're attempting to take a minor detail of human evolution such as our tribal nature and blow it up to such proportions that it dominates our reality. Both the poor worker and the rich business owner may be proud Americans, but at the end of the day it's a superficial detail masking the true exploitative nature of our lives. Just take a look at the huge amount of immigration all over the world. People don't give two shits about their national identity, they go where their material reality dictates.
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By Fasces
#14128653
Nonsense. They refuse to assimilate, and promote their own cultural values despite migration. Their national identity remains sound, even through multiple generations.

The material analysis of history completely ignores the irrational and spiritual nature of human society, and attempts to quantify man in a way that is inappropriate. It presents flawed conclusions because of its flawed premises.
#14128656
Fasces wrote:Nonsense. They refuse to assimilate, and promote their own cultural values despite migration. Their national identity remains sound, even through multiple generations.

The material analysis of history completely ignores the irrational and spiritual nature of human society, and attempts to quantify man in a way that is inappropriate. It presents flawed conclusions because of its flawed premises.


That's not entirely fair. My family were Lithuanian immigrants who came to the United States in the 1940s and assimilated completely. Yeah sure they cooked some dinners from their homeland, but that wasn't more important to them then how much money they were making to survive. It's all about the money. Money is at the root of everything. Even spiritual matters such as religion are rooted in money. We're sitting on a rock floating in outer space. The territory you occupy means nothing compared to your material existence.
User avatar
By Fasces
#14128659
Money is at the root of everything.


I can't continue this conversation. This says everything about you I need to know. It's disgusting.

The territory you occupy means nothing compared to your material existence.


It's not about the territory you occupy. It is about your culture, your history, your faith, the language you speak, the way you think, and the values you hold. All are determined by the social group and nation in which you were born.
#14128664
I can't continue this conversation. This says everything about you I need to know. It's disgusting.

Relax drama queen.

It's not about the territory you occupy. It is about your culture, your history, your faith, the language you speak, the way you think, and the values you hold. All are determined by the social group and nation in which you were born.


You should give an individual person more credit. All those environmental factors you list are only a piece of the puzzle. They play a role no doubt, but we all overcome those things to become who we are. Otherwise if you were correct then we're all just slaves to circumstance. I was born in America but don't identify with it. I was raised Catholic but am an atheist. I was born with a culturally polish background but could care less. I'm a living example that your little social constructs are nothing more than environmental factors to be overcome.
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By Fasces
#14128667
How can the lower classes be exploited, by that reasoning? If they were capable they wouldn't be poor. They deserve to be in the factory selling their labor if they're unwilling to take the initiative and take their lives somewhere productive.
#14128669
Fasces wrote:How can the lower classes be exploited, by that reasoning? If they were capable they wouldn't be poor. They deserve to be in the factory selling their labor if they're unwilling to take the initiative and take their lives somewhere productive.


Overcoming social constructs is different than overcoming material realities.
#14128670
I'm quite honoured to have been quoted in this thread. :)

Red_Bull wrote:You should give an individual person more credit. All those environmental factors you list are only a piece of the puzzle. They play a role no doubt, but we all overcome those things to become who we are.

This sounds like a rather capitalist-self-help type of talking point. As Fasces is saying, if what you were saying here were true, then historical materialism itself would make no sense.

Red_Bull wrote:Otherwise if you were correct then we're all just slaves to circumstance.

Isn't that generally the case? Isn't that why any changes must be brought about collectively, and why individualism is a dead-end?
#14128976
This sounds like a rather capitalist-self-help type of talking point. As Fasces is saying, if what you were saying here were true, then historical materialism itself would make no sense.

You misunderstood me. Take a simple example such as religion. To stop being religious all one has to do is stop going to church and talking about it. You can't compare that to someones class situation. You don't just wake up one morning as a poor Michigan auto-worker and say I think I want to make millions now. You're shackled by your material reality, not your social upbringings. Historical materialism recognizes these social influences are superficial aspects of our lives missing the bigger picture which is the struggle between the have's and have nots. To suggest we're defined by superficial abstract concepts as Fasces suggested would be historical idealism.

Isn't that generally the case? Isn't that why any changes must be brought about collectively, and why individualism is a dead-end?


Depends. This goes back to the confusion above. If you want to make societal changes with regards to economic equality it has to be done collectively for obvious reasons. If you're talking about something as simple as your social background that's something one could deal with individually. This thread took a wrong turn when Fasces tried to conflate social issues with material issues. There's a reason Marxist are internationalists. Doesn't matter which flag is flying over your place of birth, you're still a wage slave.
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By Fasces
#14128983
I did not try to conflate. The two are distinct. However, a proper understanding of humanity, being a social organism, cannot ignore the influence and importance of social interactions - especially in the development of thought. They are not superficial because the very conclusions we find ourselves capable of drawing, the very pattern in how we think, is socially determined.

Indeed, the communist experiment does not attempt to eradicate social "constructs", because such a thing is impossible. Rather, it attempts to replace certain ones with others - attitudes concerning internationalism, egalitarianism, etc. However, there is nothing wrong with our attitudes as they are. Rather, they are part of what makes us unique, and valuable. They should be embraced as part of being human.

The Marxist attempt to turn the human spirit into a material mechanism is flawed, and will not work, because human beings are not material beings. It was ethnic nationalism, after all, that brought down the Soviet Union, that united the German states, and that motivated Ho Chi Minh. The degeneration of human society into a hyper-rationalist and materialist organization is horrific to the human psyche because it is alien.

Moreover, no act can be justified without an appeal to non-material reasons. What is happiness, in a material world?
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